Nelson Rockefeller

Nelson Rockefeller


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Nelson Rockefeller was born in Bar Harbor, Maine, on 8th July, 1908. He was the son of John Davison Rockefeller, Jr. and the grandson of John Davison Rockefeller, Sr. After graduating from Dartmouth College in 1930 Rockefeller went to work for the family business. In the next few years he spent a lot of time in Brazil and Latin America.

In 1940 Rockefeller was appointed as Assistant Secretary of State and during the Second World War served as Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs, an anti-Nazi alliance for Central and South America. After the war, Harry S. Truman appointed him as head of the International Development Advisory Board.

In 1945 Nelson Rockefeller invited John J. McCloy to join the family law firm. He accepted the offer and the firm became known as Milbank, Tweed, Hadley & McCloy. The law firm's most important client was the Rockefeller family's bank, Chase Manhattan. As John D. Rockefeller Jr. told his personal lawyer, Thomas M. Debevoise, "McCloy knows so many people in government circles... that he might be in the way to get information in various quarters about the matter without seeking it, or revealing his hand." McCloy's main task involved lobbying for the gas and oil industry.

The family's main concern was the threat posed against their interests in Standard Oil of California. John D. Rockefeller Jr. owned almost 6 per cent of the stock of the company, making him the single largest shareholder. In 1946 Harold Ickes claimed that Rockefeller was violating the terms of the 1911 dissolution decree. Two other anti-trust lawyers, Abe Fortas and Thurman Arnold, joined forces with Ickes to petition the Justice Department to investigate the matter. John J. McCloy, was asked to sort the matter out and by the autumn of 1946, he had persuaded Ickes, Fortas and Arnold to drop the matter.

Rockefeller was a member of the Republican Party and his political career was helped by the election of Dwight Eisenhower who appointed him as chairman of the President's Advisory Committee on Government Reorganization. In 1953 Rockefeller became undersecretary in the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.

Rockefeller left Eisenhower's government in 1956. Two years later he was elected governor of New York after defeating the incumbent governor, W. Averell Harriman, by 600,000 votes. A member of the liberal wing of the party, Rockefeller was in favour of increased public spending and during his period of office launched several construction projects.

Rockefeller made three unsuccessful attempts to gain his party's presidential nomination. His liberal political views were held against him and he lost to Richard M. Nixon in 1960. He was attacked by Prescott Bush for divorcing his wife of 32 years. "Have we come to the point in our life as a nation where the governor of a great state... can desert a good wife, mother of his grown children, divorce her, then persuade the mother of four youngsters to abandon her husband and their four children and marry the governor?" Other Republicans shared these views and Barry Goldwater got the nomination but was easily beaten by Lyndon B. Johnson.

In reality, Rockefeller's political views were more conservative than they appeared. For example, in 1964, one of Rockefeller's law firm’s most important clients, M. A. Hanna Mining Company, had a serious problem. McCloy had several meetings with Hanna’s chief executive officer, George M. Humphrey. The two men had been close friends since Humphrey was Eisenhower’s Treasury Secretary. Humphrey was very concerned about the company’s investment in Brazil. Hanna Mining was the largest producer of iron ore in the country. However, after João Goulart had become president in 1961, he began to talk about nationalizing the iron ore industry.

Goulart was a wealthy landowner who was opposed to communism. However, he was in favour of the redistribution of wealth in Brazil. As minister of labour he had increased the minimum wage by 100%. Colonel Vernon Walters, the US military attaché in Brazil, described Goulart as “basically a good man with a guilty conscience for being rich.”

The CIA began to make plans for overthrowing Goulart. A psychological warfare program approved by Henry Kissinger, at the request of telecom giant ITT during his chair of the 40 Committee, sent U.S. PSYOPS disinformation teams to spread fabricated rumors concerning Goulart.

John J. McCloy was asked to set up a channel of communication between the CIA and Jack W. Burford, one of the senior executives of the Hanna Mining Company. In February, 1964, McCloy went to Brazil to hold secret negotiations with Goulart. However, Goulart rejected the deal offered by Hanna Mining.

The following month Lyndon B. Johnson gave the go-ahead for the overthrow of João Goulart (Operation Brother Sam). Colonel Vernon Walters arranged for General Castello Branco to lead the coup. A US naval-carrier task force was ordered to station itself off the Brazilian coast. As it happens, the Brazilian generals did not need the help of the task force. Goulart’s forces were unwilling to defend the democratically elected government and he was forced to go into exile.

As a result of the Watergate Scandal, on 9th August, 1974, Richard M. Nixon became the first president of the United States to resign from office. The new president, Gerald Ford, nominated Nelson Rockefeller as his vice president. During his confirmation hearings it was revealed that over the years he had made large gifts of money to government officials such as Henry Kissinger.

Later that year, Seymour Hersh of the New York Times, published a series of articles claiming that the Central Intelligence Agency had been guilty of illegal activities. In his memoirs, Ford said that he feared a congressional investigation would result in "unnecessary disclosures" that could "cripple" the CIA. He and his aides quickly decided that he needed to prevent an independent congressional investigation. He therefore appointed Rockefeller to head his own investigation into these allegations.

Other members of the Rockefeller Commission included C. Douglas Dillon, Ronald Reagan, John T. Connor, Edgar F. Shannon, Lyman L. Lemmitzer, and Erwin N. Griswold. Executive Director of the task-force was David W. Belin, the former counsel to the Warren Commission and leading supporter of the magic bullet theory. In 1973 Berlin had published his book, November 22, 1963: You are the Jury, in which he defended the Warren Report as an historic, "unshakeable" document.

In her book, Challenging the Secret Government: The Post-Watergate Investigations of the CIA and FBI, Kathryn S. Olmsted, wrote: "His choice for chairman, Vice President Nelson Rockefeller, had served as a member of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, which monitored the CIA. Members Erwin Griswold, Lane Kirkland, Douglas Dillon, and Ronald Reagan had all been privy to CIA secrets in the past or noted for their strong support of governmental secrecy."

The journalist, Joseph Kraft, argued that he feared that the Rockefeller report would not end "the terrible doubts which continue to eat away at the nation." This was reflected in public opinion polls taken at the time. Only 33% had confidence in the Rockefeller Commission and 43% believed that the commission would turn into "another cover-up".

At a meeting with some senior figures at the New York Times, including Arthur O. Sulzberger and A. M. Rosenthal, President Gerald Ford let slip the information that the CIA had been involved in conspiracies to assassinate political leaders. He immediately told them that this information was off the record. This story was leaked to the journalist Daniel Schorr who reported the story on CBS News. As Schorr argued in his autobiography, Staying Tuned: " President Ford moved swiftly to head off a searching congressional investigation by extending the term of the Rockefeller commission and adding the assassination issue to its agenda."

Rockefeller's report was published in 1975. It included information on some CIA abuses. As David Corn pointed out in Blond Ghost: "the President's panel revealed that the CIA had tested LSD on unsuspecting subjects, spied on American dissidents, physically abused a defector, burgled and bugged without court orders, intercepted mail illegally, and engaged in plainly unlawful conduct". The report also produced details about MKULTRA, a CIA mind control project.

Rockefeller also included an 18-page section on the assassination of John F. Kennedy (Allegations Concerning the Assassination of John F. Kennedy). A large part of the report was taken up with examining the cases of E. Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis. This was as a result of both men being involved in the Watergate Scandal. The report argued that a search of agency records showed that Sturgis had never been a CIA agent, informant or operative. The commission also accepted the word of both men that they were not in Dallas on the day of the assassination.

The Rockefeller Commission also looked at the possibility that John F. Kennedy had been fired at by more than one gunman. After a brief summary of the Warren Commission (1964) and the Ramsay Clark Panel (1968) investigations, Rockefeller concluded: "On the basis of the investigation conducted by its staff, the Commission believes that there is no evidence to support the claim that President Kennedy was struck by a bullet fired from either the grassy knoll or any other position to his front, right front or right side, and that the motions of the President's head and body, following the shot that struck him in the head, are fully consistent with that shot having come from a point to his rear, above him and slightly to his right."

Rockefeller also looked at the possible connections between E. Howard Hunt, Lee Harvey Oswald, Jack Ruby and the CIA. He claimed that there was no "credible evidence" that Oswald or Ruby were CIA agents or informants. Nor did Hunt ever have contact with Oswald. The report argues: "Hunt's employment record with the CIA indicated that he had no duties involving contacts with Cuban exile elements or organizations inside or outside the United States after the early months of 1961... Hunt and Sturgis categorically denied that they had ever met or known Oswald or Ruby. They further denied that they ever had any connections whatever with either Oswald or Ruby."

This section of the report reached the following conclusions: "Numerous allegations have been made that the CIA participated in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. The Commission staff investigated these allegations. On the basis of the staff's investigation, the Commission concluded there was no credible evidence of any CIA involvement."

The report was condemned as a cover-up. Dr. Cyril H. Wecht accused the Rockefeller Commission of "deliberately distorting and suppressing" part of his testimony as to the nature of Kennedy's head and neck wounds. Wecht demanded that a full transcript of his testimony be released. Rockefeller refused on the grounds that the commission proceedings were confidential.

Dissatisfaction with the report resulted in other investigations into the CIA taking place. This included those led by Frank Church, Richard Schweiker, Louis Stokes, Lucien Nedzi and Otis Pike.

President Gerald Ford dropped Rockefeller as his vice-presidential candidate in 1976 and he retired from national politics.

According to Jonathan Kwitny (Endless Enemies), in his retirement Nelson Rockefeller went on hunting and fishing trips with Guillermo Hernández-Cartaya, the Cuban businessman who was involved in the World Finance Corporation bank scandal. In 1976 Cartaya helped to establish Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations (CORU). Other members included Frank Castro, Luis Posada, Orlando Bosch, Armando Lopez Estrada and Guillermo Novo.

Nelson Rockefeller died of a heart attack on 26th January, 1979.

The CIA would spend the next two decades fighting the release of documents to citizens who requested them under the FOIA. For CIA officials, whose lives were dedicated to secrecy, the logic behind the checks and balances of the three-branch system of government may have been incomprehensible. The idea that federal judges not trained in espionage could inspect CIA files and even order their release was enough to curdle the blood of secret operatives like Richard Ober. CIA officers felt that neither Congress nor the courts could comprehend the perils that faced secret agents. Their instinctive reaction, therefore, was to find any avenue by which they could avoid judicial or journalistic scrutiny.

A month after Congress enacted the new FOIA amendments, someone at the CIA leaked the news of MHCHAOS to Seymour Hersh at the New York limes. Hersh's article appeared on the front page of the December 22, r974, issue under the headline "Huge C.I.A. Operation Reported in U.S. against Antiwar Forces, Other Dissidents in Nixon Years." Although sparse in detail, the article revealed that the CIA had spied on U.S. citizens in a massive domestic operation, keeping 10,000 dossiers on individuals and groups and violating the 1947 National Security Act. Hersh reported that intelligence officials were claiming the domestic operations began as legitimate spying to investigate overseas connections to dissenters.

Gerald Ford, who only four and a half months earlier had assumed the presidency in the wake of Nixon's resignation, took the public position that the CIA would be ordered to cease and desist. William Colby, who had replaced James Schlesinger as CIA director, was told to issue a report on MHCHAOS to Henry Kissinger.

Apparently Ford was not informed that Kissinger was well aware of the operation. A few days later, after Helms categorically denied that the CIA had conducted "illegal" spying, Ford named Vice President Nelson Rockefeller to head a commission that would be charged with making a more comprehensive report. Ford's choice of Rockefeller to head the probe was most fortunate for Ober. Rockefeller was closely allied with Kissinger, who had been a central figure in the former New York governor's 1968 presidential primary campaign. Although Rockefeller was well regarded in media and political circles for his streak of independence, it was all but certain from the beginning that his report would amount to a cover-up.

In fact, Colby ran into trouble because he was willing to be more forthcoming about MHCHAOS than Rockefeller and Kissinger desired. After Colby's second or third appearance before the commission investigators, Rockefeller drew Colby aside and said, "Bill, do you really have to present all this material to us? We realize there are secrets that you fellows need to keep, and so nobody here is going to take it amiss if you feel there are some questions you can't answer quite as fully as you seem to feel you have to."

Because of MHCHAOS and Watergate, Congress began to investigate the CIA. On September 16, 1975, Senators Frank Church and John Tower called Colby to testify at a hearing about CIA assassinations. Colby showed up carrying a CIA poison-dart gun, and Church waved the gun before the television cameras. It looked like an automatic pistol with a telescopic sight mounted on the barrel. Producers of the evening newscasts recognized this as sensational footage, and just as surely Colby recognized that his days as director were numbered. He had not guarded the CIA secrets well enough.

Colby was fired on November 2, 1975. His successor was George Herbert Walker Bush, who had been serving as chief of the U.S. Liaison Office in Beijing. Bush's job would be delicate, perhaps impossible, and probably thankless; but as the former chairman of the Republican Party, he had already been in a similar position, guiding the party through the worst days of the Watergate scandal. He had supported Nixon as long as it was politically feasible, then finally had joined those who insisted on Nixon's departure.

The disclosure that the CIA, in its domestic surveillance program code-named Operation Chaos, tapped wires and conducted break-ins caused a public stir that intervention in far-off Chile had not. Over the Christmas holiday in Vail, Colorado, President Ford, it would later emerge, had finally gotten to read the CIA inspector general's report, informally dubbed the Family Jewels.

It detailed a stunning list of 693 items of CIA malfeasance ranging from behavior-altering drug experiments on unsuspecting subjects, one of whom plunged to his death from a hotel window; to assassination plots against leftist third world leaders.

Anxious to keep congressional committees, already gearing up for investigations, from laying bare the worst of these, President Ford, on January 5, 1975, announced the appointment of a "blue-ribbon" commission to inquire into improper domestic operations. The panel was headed by Vice President Nelson Rockefeller and included such stalwarts as Gov. Ronald Reagan of California, retired general Lyman Lemnitzer, and former treasury secretary Douglas Dillon.

A few days later President Ford held a long-scheduled luncheon for New York Times publisher Arthur O. Sulzberger and several of his editors. Toward the end the subject of the newly named Rockefeller commission came up. Executive Editor A. Rosenthal observed that, dominated by establishment figures, the panel might not have much credibility with critics of the CIA. Ford nodded and explained that he had to he cautious in his choices because, with complete access to files, the commission might learn of matters, under presidents dating back to Truman, far more serious than the domestic surveillance they had been instructed to look into.

The ensuing hush was broken by Rosenthal. "Like what?"

"Like assassinations," the president shot back.

Prompted by an alarmed news secretary Ron Nessen, the president asked that his remark about assassinations be kept off the record.

The Times group returned to their bureau for a spirited argument about whether they could pass up a story potentially so explosive. Managing Editor E. C. Daniel called the White House in the hope of getting Nessen to ease the restriction from "off-the-record" to "deep background." Nessen was more adamant than ever that the national interest dictated that the president's unfortunate slip be forgotten. Finally, Sulzberger cut short the debate, saying that, as the publisher, he would decide, and he had decided against the use of the incendiary information.

This left several of the editors feeling quite frustrated, with the inevitable result that word of the episode began to get around, eventually reaching me. Under no off-the-record restriction myself, I enlisted CBS colleagues in figuring out how to pursue the story. Since Ford had used the word assassinations, we assumed we were looking for persons who had been murdered - possibly persons who had died under suspicious circumstances. We developed a hypothesis, but no facts.

On February 27, 1975, my long-standing request for another meeting with Director Colby came through. Over coffee we discussed Watergate and Operation Chaos, the domestic surveillance operation.

As casually as I could, I then asked, "Are you people involved in assassinations?"

"Not any more," Colby said. He explained that all planning for assassinations had been banned since the 1973 inspector general's report on the subject.

I asked, without expecting an answer, who had been the targets before 1973.

"I can't talk about it," Colby replied.

"Hammarskjold?" I ventured. (The UN. secretary-general killed in an airplane crash in Africa.)

"Of course not."

"Lumumba?" (The left-wing leader in the Belgian Congo who had been killed in 1961, supposedly by his Katanga rivals.)

"I can't go down a list with you. Sorry."

I returned to my office, my head swimming with names of dead foreign leaders who may have offended the American government. It was frustrating to be this close to one of the major stories of my career and not be able to get my hands on it. After a few days I decided I knew enough to go on the air even without the identity of corpses.

Because of President Ford's imprecision, I didn't realize that he was not referring to actual assassinations, but assassination conspiracies. All I knew was that assassination had been a weapon in the CIA arsenal until banned in a post-Watergate cleanup and that the president feared that investigation might expose the dark secret. l sat down at my typewriter and wrote, "President Ford has reportedly warned associates that if current investigations go too far they could uncover several assassinations of foreign officials involving the CIA..."

The two-minute "tell" story ran on the Evening News on February 28. While I had been mistaken in suggesting actual murders, my report opened up one of the darkest secrets in the CIA's history.

President Ford moved swiftly to head off a searching congressional investigation by extending the term of the Rockefeller commission and adding the assassination issue to its agenda. The commission hastily scheduled a new series of secret hearings in the vice president's suite in the White House annex. Richard Helms, who had already testified once, was called home again from his ambassador's post in Tehran for two days of questioning by the commission's staff and four hours before the commission on April 28.

I waited with colleagues and staked-out cameras outside the hearing room, the practice being to ask witnesses to make remarks on leaving. As Helms emerged, I extended my hand in greeting, with a jocular "Welcome back'." I was forgetting that I was the proximate reason for his being back.

His face ashen from fatigue and strain, he turned livid.

"You son of a bitch," he raged. "You killer, you cocksucker Killer Schorr - that's what they ought to call you!"

He then strode before the cameras and gave a toned-down version of his tirade. "I must say, Mr. Schorr, I didn't like what you had to say in some of your broadcasts on this subject. As far as I know, the CIA was never responsible for assassinating any foreign leader."

"Were there discussions of possible assassinations?" I asked.

Helms began losing his temper again. "I don't know when I stopped beating my wife, or you stopped beating your wife. Talk about discussions in government? There are always discussions about practically everything under the sun!"

I pursued Helms down the corridor and explained to him the presidential indiscretion that had led me to report "assassinations."

Calmer now, he apologized for his outburst and we shook hands. But because other reporters had been present, the story of his tirade was in the papers the next day.

Beyond his ideological reasons for opposing a CIA investigation, Ford was also influenced by partisan and institutional considerations. Hersh's initial stories had accused Richard Nixon's CIA of domestic spying - not Lyndon Johnson's CIA or John Kennedy's CIA. If, indeed, the improprieties took place on the Republicans' watch, then too much attention to these charges could hasten the GOP's post-Watergate slide and boost the careers of crusading Democrats. Ford also opposed wide-ranging investigations because he felt responsible for protecting the presidency. "I was absolutely dedicated to doing whatever I could to restore the rightful prerogatives of the presidency under the constitutional system," he recalls. His aides list Ford's renewal of presidential power after Watergate as one of the greatest achievements of his administration. This lifelong conservative believed that he had a duty to control the congressional investigators and restore the honor of his new office.

Within days of Hersh's first story, Ford's aides recommended that he set up an executive branch investigative commission to avoid "finding ourselves whipsawed by prolonged Congressional hearings." In a draft memo to the president written on 27 December, Deputy Chief of Staff Richard Cheney explained that the president had several reasons to establish such a commission: to avoid being put on the defensive, to minimize "damage" to the CIA, to head off "Congressional efforts to further encroach on the executive branch," to demonstrate presidential leadership, and to reestablish Americans' faith in their government.

Ford's aides cautioned that this commission, formally called the Commission on CIA Activities within the United States, must not appear to be "a 'kept' body designed to whitewash the problem." But Ford apparently did not follow this advice. His choice for chairman, Vice President Nelson Rockefeller, had served as a member of the President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board, which monitored the CIA. Members Erwin Griswold, Lane Kirkland, Douglas Dillon, and Ronald Reagan had all been privy to CIA secrets in the past or noted for their strong support of governmental secrecy.

In a revealing move, the president also appointed General Lyman Lemnitzer, the same chairman of the Joint Chiefs whose office in 1962 had been charged by Congressman Jerry Ford with a "totalitarian" attempt to suppress information. In short, Ford's commissioners did not seem likely to conduct an aggressive investigation. Of the "true-blue ribbon" panel's eight members, only John Connor, a commerce secretary under Lyndon Johnson, and Edgar Shannon, a former president of the University of Virginia, brought open minds to the inquiry, according to critics.

Many congressmen, including GOP senators Howard Baker and Lowell Weicker, found the commission inadequate. Some supporters of the CIA, such as columnist Joseph Kraft, worried that many Americans would view the commission as part of a White House cover-up. Although Kraft personally admired the commissioners, he feared that their findings would not be credible and therefore would not reduce "the terrible doubts which continue to eat away at the nation." A public opinion poll confirmed these reservations. Forty-nine percent of the people surveyed by Louis Harris believed that an executive commission would be too influenced by the White House, compared with 35 percent who supported Ford's action. A clear plurality - 43 percent - believed that the commission would turn into "another cover-up," while 33 percent had confidence in the commission and 24 percent were unsure. The New York Times editorial board, also suspicious of the panel, urged congressmen not to allow the commission to "become a pretext to delay or circumscribe their own independent investigation." A week later, the Times again reminded Congress of its duty to conduct a "long, detailed" examination of the intelligence community: "Three decades is too long for any public institution to function without a fundamental reappraisal

of its role."

On the basis of the investigation conducted by its staff, the Commission believes that there is no evidence to support the claim that President Kennedy was struck by a bullet fired from either the grassy knoll or any other position to his front, right front or right side, and that the motions of the President's head and body, following the shot that struck him in the head, are fully consistent with that shot having come from a point to his rear, above him and slightly to his right...

Hunt's employment record with the CIA indicated that he had no duties involving contacts with Cuban exile elements or organizations inside or outside the United States after the early months of 1961... They further denied that they ever had any connections whatever with either Oswald or Ruby...

Numerous allegations have been made that the CIA participated in the assassination of President John F. On the basis of the staff's investigation, the Commission concluded there was no credible evidence of any CIA involvement.


ROCKEFELLER, Nelson Aldrich

(b. 8 July 1908 in Bar Harbor, Maine d. 26 January 1979 in New York City), governor of New York throughout the 1960s who sought and failed to receive the Republican nomination for president in 1960, 1964, and 1968 the scion of the enormously wealthy Rockefeller family.

The second son and third of six children born to philanthropists John Davison Rockefeller, Jr., and Abby Greene Aldrich, Rockefeller grew up with tremendous wealth, power, and prestige as the grandson of the richest man in the world, John D. Rockefeller, and of U.S. senator Nelson Aldrich, who represented Rhode Island as a Republican. He attended the Lincoln School, a progressive coeducational institution in New York City, then graduated from Dartmouth College (1926–1930) with a B.A. cum laude in economics. Rockefeller married Mary Todhunter Clark, a Philadelphia socialite, on 23 June 1930 the couple had five children and divorced in 1962.

Although he knew he would inherit a trust fund of $40 million, Rockefeller was no playboy. He joined the family office in 1931, obtained a real estate broker's license, and began to sell space in the new Rockefeller Center, then the world's largest office complex. Taught from birth that wealth carries an obligation to help others, Rockefeller made his first contribution to public life by serving under President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1940. As coordinator of the Office of Inter-American Affairs, he attempted to ward off the threat of Nazism by providing Latin Americans with economic assistance. In 1944 he became the assistant secretary of state for Latin American affairs, but his aggressive approach led to conflict with his superiors, and Rockefeller resigned a year later. Determined to help other families benefit from capitalism as his had, he created the American International Association for Economic and Social Development to prevent the spread of Communism in Latin America by using private U.S. funds to improve public health, education, and agriculture. Named by President Dwight Eisenhower in 1952 to reorganize the federal government, Rockefeller recommended the creation of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW) and served as its undersecretary from 1953 to 1954. Rockefeller left HEW to serve as Eisenhower's special assistant on cold war strategy, a post he held until his nomination as secretary of defense was blocked in 1955 because of his reputation for heavy spending.

With his federal government career curtailed, Rockefeller looked to his home state of New York and won election as its governor in 1958. He eventually served four terms over fifteen years, from 1959 to 1973. Charismatic, hardworking, and able to relate to people at all rungs on the social ladder, he saw every problem as solvable, but his optimistic spending contributed to New York's financial troubles in the 1970s. Intent on keeping a friendly business climate in the state by lowering business taxes, Rockefeller paid for the expansion of New York government and the accompanying 300 percent jump in the state budget during his tenure by raising individual taxes. He continually argued that the federal government should provide greater subsidies to larger states. To defend his controversial fiscal policies and to measure public opinion, Rockefeller began an innovative ten-year practice in 1961 of holding a series of town meetings around New York.

As socially liberal as he was free-spending, Rockefeller often seemed more like a New Deal Democrat than a Republican. He revitalized Albany, the capital of New York, by building a vast governmental complex he funded the construction of hospitals and roads, advocated civil rights, supported rent control, and promoted treatment for narcotics abusers rather than strict criminal penalties (a position that changed in the 1970s because treatment failed to have much effect). One of his most creative programs, the Urban Development Corporation (UDC) of 1968, built low-and middle-income housing by mixing four dollars of private capital with one dollar of government aid. Able to override local zoning laws, much to the anger of many New Yorkers, it was the nation's most powerful state agency for urban housing construction. Rockefeller used his personal contacts with the Wall Street financial community, particularly his brother David, head of Chase Manhattan Bank, to keep the agency solvent. After he left office, the UDC defaulted on its loans. Rockefeller's greatest legacy to the state may be the expansion of the state university system, which increased from 38,000 students on 28 campuses to 246,000 students on 71 campuses by the time he left office.

Rockefeller's personal life occasionally made headlines during the 1960s. In 1961 his youngest son, Michael, disappeared on an anthropological expedition in New Guinea. The family's prominence made the disappearance headline news around the globe. Rockefeller immediately flew to assist in a fruitless search for the remains of the young man, who was possibly attacked by crocodiles or, more likely, killed in a racially motivated attack by cannibals.

As governor of the most populous and powerful state in the country, Rockefeller instantly became a major figure in the Republican Party upon his 1958 election moderate Republicans bandied his name about as a candidate for the presidency in 1960. An ambitious man, Rockefeller had designs on the office and made a nationwide exploratory tour in 1959, but the qualities that made him a successful governor did not make him a good national candidate. Rockefeller typically relied on his staff to conduct massive amounts of research. In 1960 he gave up his pursuit of the nomination, reporting that the "people who were running my campaign said it was hopeless." He simply lacked the fierce determination that propelled other men, like Richard Nixon, to ignore the naysayers. The downing of a U-2 spy plane over Russia in May 1960 prompted Rockefeller to threaten to split the party at the convention by making himself available for a draft unless his advocacy of increased defense spending and stronger support for civil rights were reflected in the Republican Party platform. This blackmail did not endear Rockefeller to party leaders, and his actions hurt him when he again flirted with the nomination in subsequent years.

Rockefeller's presidential campaigns were also constrained by his governorship unlike the eventual 1960s Republican presidential nominees Nixon and Barry Goldwater, he had a state to run. He did not have the luxury of spending years courting the party faithful, nor, as he acknowledged in his twilight days, would he have been content to sit on the sidelines gathering support while others ran the country. Rockefeller also had to attract diverse, multiethnic urban voters to maintain political power in New York, and the programs that appealed to such an audience did not necessarily meet with the approval of southern or western white suburbanites. Key state and local Republicans around the country preferred a more conservative leader.

In 1964 Rockefeller had an excellent chance of winning the presidential nomination, but his personal life cast too dark a shadow. He had fallen in love with Margaretta "Happy" Fitler Murphy, eighteen years his junior and a married mother of four young children. Both Rockefeller and Happy divorced their spouses they married on 4 May 1963. Before his remarriage, Rockefeller had been ahead of Goldwater in the polls, but his actions cost him this lead. To add further insult, Goldwater partisans came up with the slogan "We want a leader, not a lover." Rockefeller managed to win the Oregon primary in May 1964, but the first of two sons that Happy bore him arrived with unfortunate timing a week before the California primary. With Rockefeller's morality again on center stage, California voters gave Goldwater the win.

In 1968 a staff analyst told Rockefeller he could not be nominated for the presidency, and he intended to sit out the campaign. Accordingly, he publicly withdrew in March 1968, but he reentered the race at the end of April after appeals from moderates and the business community. Having entered too late to mount a serious challenge to the frontrunner, Richard Nixon, and having antagonized many leading Republicans, Rockefeller's only hope lay in a massive groundswell of support. He spent lavishly on national television advertising to raise his opinion polls, but he could not overcome Nixon's lead.

Despite his differences with Nixon, Rockefeller loyally supported the president. A hawk and a strong anti-Communist, he supported Nixon's Vietnam policy and acted as the president's emissary to Latin America in 1969. Continuing to yearn for the presidency, he renominated Nixon at the 1972 convention in an attempt to better position himself for the 1976 campaign. Chosen as Gerald Ford's vice president when Nixon and Agnew resigned in disgrace, Rockefeller was sworn in on 19 December 1974 and found himself marginalized in the White House and in his own party. He retired from politics in 1975. On a Friday night in 1979 he met privately with a female staff worker in his New York City townhouse and suffered a fatal heart attack, fueling considerable speculation about the exact circumstances of his demise. His cremated remains were buried in the Rockefeller Family Cemetery, near the family's Westchester County estate in Sleepy Hollow, New York.

A liberal and a believer in an activist government, Rockefeller fell out of step with the increasingly conservative Republican Party of the 1960s. Although a much-ad-mired and enormously popular governor who helped millions of New Yorkers with innovative policies, he failed in his lifelong ambition to become president because he did not appeal to voters in the South and West who dominated the Republican ranks.

Rockefeller's private and governmental papers are held at the Rockefeller Archive Center, Pocantico Hills, near Tarrytown, New York. He authored a number of books, including The Future of Federalism (1962) Unity, Freedom, and Peace (1968) and Our Environment Can Be Saved (1970). Biographies of Rockefellerinclude James Desmond, Nelson Rockefeller: A Political Biography (1964) Robert H. Connery and Gerald Benjamin, Rockefeller of New York: Executive Power in the Statehouse (1979) Joseph E. Persico, The Imperial Rockefeller: A Biography of Nelson A. Rockefeller (1982) and James F. Underwood and William J. Daniels, Governor Rockefeller in New York: The Apex of Pragmatic Liberalism in the United States (1982). James Poling's The Rockefeller Record: A Political Self-Portrait (1960) is a collection of his public utterances. The dominant Rockefeller of his generation, he is covered heavily in Peter Collier and David Horowitz, The Rockefellers: An American Dynasty (1976). Nicol C. Rae, The Decline and Fall of the Liberal Republicans: From 1952 to the Present (1989), summarizes Rockefeller's presidential runs. An obituary is in the New York Times (27 Jan. 1979).


The story of Nelson Rockefeller's death and the spin that kept the (sexy) truth out of the headlines

They didn't recognize the shoeless man lying unconscious on the floor of the posh Manhattan townhouse. The blonde trying to resuscitate him was frightened and out of breath.

"How long has he been out?" one of the paramedics asked.

His body was warm, but they couldn't find a pulse. Now they began administering oxygen and injecting powerful drugs into the shoeless man's veins to jump-start his heart.

Six minutes later the electrocardiogram line gave a wiggle. But as paramedic William McCabe radioed nearby St. Clare's Hospital that the squad was ready to roll, he got inexplicable orders to head for farther-away Lenox Hill Hospital instead.

At Lenox Hill a few minutes later, the ambulance was met by Dr. Ernest Esakof.

"All right," Esakof announced to the crew. "Let's not talk about this."

At 12:20 a.m. on Saturday the 26th of January 1979, 70-year-old Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller, former four-term governor of the State of New York and former vice president of the United States of America, was declared dead, apparently of a heart attack.

Forty minutes later, Rockefeller family spokesman Hugh Morrow began unspooling the official story of the great man's last moments.

But matters were already spinning out of control.

The scion of the family that oversaw America's most famous fortune, Nelson Rockefeller lusted his entire life for that which even his millions could not buy the presidency.

An aristocrat who treated his wives to new Rolls-Royces each year, he had nonetheless always been a hit with the masses. "Rocky" worked hard at being a regular guy, throwing out a jaunty "Hiya, fella!" as he glad-handed voters en route to his four terms in Albany.

But he was often at odds with his own Republican Party, and in the twilight of his career he'd had to settle for a truncated two-year stint as vice president to Gerald Ford, a man the otherwise populist Rockefeller considered his distinct inferior.

In the summer of 1975, the unhappy veep had met a 22-year-old wire-service reporter named Megan Marshack, who seemed to have won his interest by plying him with cookies. When he left Washington the following year, Marshack came back to New York with him as his $60,000-a-year assistant moving into a luxurious co-op at 25 W. 54th St., a few doors from the townhouse Rockefeller kept in the city.

The first press reports of Rockefeller's death paid moving tribute to the hardworking GOP elder who had died at his desk while working on a book about modern art.

Solemnly, Morrow told reporters Rockefeller had suffered a heart attack at 10:15 Friday night in his office at 30 Rockefeller Plaza and that a security aide, the only other person present, had tried to revive him and failed. The stricken man had been admitted to Lenox Hill at 11:15, he said, and widow Happy Rockefeller had arrived at 12:25 a.m., 10 minutes too late. Of the frightened blonde, Morrow made no mention.

The following day, Morrow admitted he'd gotten one or two details wrong. Actually, Rockefeller had died at his 54th St. townhouse, he said. A chauffeur also had been there at the time. Of the blonde, there was still no mention.

But there she was in the police reports, and now the press wanted to know about her.

Well, yes, Morrow acknowledged, he had just learned that Nelson Rockefeller's young assistant also had been present when his heart gave out.

In his death, the distinguished Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller now became a lurid tabloid astonisher.

None of the story held up. He'd been stricken at 10:15, he arrived at the hospital at 11:15 why, the press wondered, had it taken an hour to get Rockefeller to the hospital? No, the Rockefeller camp said, the heart attack had actually occurred minutes before 11:15 and the time originally given out had been incorrect. "It was simply a case of people under pressure making a mistake," said spokesman George Taylor. As for Marshack, said Morrow, she had called 911, and that was the sole extent of her involvement.

But it wasn't Marshack who had called 911 at all, it quickly developed. That call had been made by TV personality Ponchitta Pierce, who lived in Marshack's building and who had departed the scene before cops arrived.

Marshack was gone now too visiting friends in the country, Morrow said, he didn't know where. That story collapsed when it was learned that The Associated Press had reached Marshack by phone four hours after Rockefeller's heart stopped beating, and that she'd told the AP that Morrow was with her.

Morrow clammed up altogether at this point.

By now the questions were too large to contain. Why hadn't there been an autopsy? Why had Rockefeller been so quickly cremated? And who exactly was this Miss Marshack, anyway?

Megan Marshack had several acquaintances quite willing to dish to the papers. Quickly there came revelations that Rockefeller had helped her buy her plush apartment, furnished it with antiques and art from his personal collection, provided for riding lessons at his Pocantico Hills estate in Westchester. Marshack's neighbors said Rockefeller, stooped though he was by worsening health, was a frequent visitor and always brought flowers for his comely assistant. Former co-workers made it plain they regarded Marshack as a gold-digger, a woman who talked openly of snaring a man with money.

Manhattan District Attorney Robert Morgenthau made an "informal" inquiry into the events surrounding Rockefeller's death then declined to reveal what he'd turned up. "I don't want to get into questions like that," he said.

In an America still uncertainly coming to terms with the notion of seeing the names and reputations of its devoted public servants sullied, social observers fretted that the line between news and gossip was perhaps becoming blurred, not to mention the line between privacy and public interest. But it wasn't long before Johnny Carson could start drawing laughs merely by uttering the words "Megan Marshack."


Actually, Nelson Rockefeller's Fortune Was Scrutinized Too

I n a press conference on Wednesday, President-elect Trump brought attorney Sheri Dillon forward to speak to the point of how he will avoid potential conflicts of interest between his business interests and his role as President of the United States.

His business empire is “not dissimilar to the fortunes of Nelson Rockefeller when he became Vice President,” she noted, “but at that time no one was so concerned.”

In fact, though Rockefeller’s wealth did not ultimately prove an obstacle for his service as Vice President under Gerald Ford, TIME’s archives show that plenty of people were concerned that his fortunes might pose a problem.

Rockefeller’s arrival in the office of Vice President came about in an unusual way, after Gerald Ford became President following Richard Nixon’s resignation in 1974. That circumstance left the vice presidency open, and Ford selected Rockefeller, a former New York Governor, to fill the job. Because of those circumstances, Rockefeller had to testify before the Senate before he could be confirmed as VP. As TIME reported, the influence of his money was a major concern among the Senators present:

No outsider really knows, but according to some estimates, the personal holdings and trusts of the Rockefellers may total as much as $1.3 billion.

This fortune both awed and worried some Senators. They were not altogether reassured by Rockefeller’s promise to put his personal securities and holdings into “blind trusts” that would prevent his knowing which securities he owned at any one time. Nor were the Senators convinced by Rockefeller’s protestations that accounts of his economic influence were a “myth.” The witness pointed out that the Rockefellers own no more than 2.06% of any oil company and a scant 2.54% of the so-called family bank, the Chase Manhattan, 3rd largest in the world (its chairman: David Rockefeller). Rocky insisted that he had so little pull at Chase that he had to borrow money at 12% interest. “I’ve got to tell you,” said Rockefeller in his husky voice, “I don’t wield economic power.”

…For all its earnestness, it was a rather disingenuous statement. The Rockefeller economic power is measured not only in stockholdings but also in terms of contacts, prestige and ability to raise capital. Nor did the witness point out that his family has contributed an estimated $25 million to his various political campaigns.

The Senator who was most irritated by Rockefeller’s claim of powerlessness was West Virginia Democrat Robert C. Byrd, who grew up in an impoverished mining town during the Depression. “Can’t we at least agree,” Byrd demanded, “that the influence is there, that it is a tremendous influence, that it is more influence than any President or Vice President ever had?”

“Could I get you to add the word ‘potential’ influence?” Rockefeller asked.

“Very well, very well,” said the exasperated Senator.

“Because…”

“Mr. Rockefeller,” Byrd broke in, “you can answer my question with one word, yes or no, and I’ll be satisfied. Can you separate the interests of big business from the national interest when they differ?”

“Yes, sir,” Rockefeller boomed. “No problem.”

In particular, gifts that Rockefeller had given over the years were seen as coming “perilously close to violating New York State’s conflict-of-interest laws,” as TIME put it in October of 1974.


The Life and Strangely Sexual Death of Nelson Rockefeller

The famed businessman’s 70 years on Earth before succumbing to an alleged sex-fueled heart attack are truly the stuff beyond legend.

Brobdingnagian, a word penned by Jonathan Swift in Gulliver’s Travels, comes closest to describing politician Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller’s peregrinations on this planet as a man of both towering intellect and colossal blind spots. Which also probably pegs his appeal, since there have not been many figures in public life who were so public about their thinking even when they thought stupid stuff — Bill Clinton came close and exceeded Rockefeller in craft by a full measure.

Or, in Rockefeller’s case, did stupid stuff. Like? Like in 1972, when, as governor of New York, he set the National Guard loose on rioting inmates at Attica Prison, which left 39 people dead, 10 of them hostages. And then breezily explained it away later while chatting with President Richard Nixon by saying, according to The New York Times, “That’s life.”

Rockefeller was the rarest of creatures — one that we don’t see much of these days: a liberal Republican.

Heavy, and existentially so, but in keeping with the man who, on a campaign swing in 1976 as vice president to Gerald Ford, greeted hecklers with a raised middle finger, for a time dubbed the Rockefeller Salute, and refused to apologize for it. Because? Well, because he was Nelson Rockefeller. Who held the special salute long enough for people in the press pool to get all the photos they needed.

“Not bad for a Dartmouth man,” says former Newsday reporter Ed Newton, laughing. But outside of being a reliable generator of comedy, Rockefeller was the rarest of creatures — one that we don’t see much of these days: a liberal Republican. “Reagan and Goldwater didn’t have the time of day for him,” says Newton. For good reasons, they thought. Rockefeller gave somewhat of a damn about the environment, and he spent money on education. Indeed, it was largely through his agency that the multicampus State University of New York was created. And the capper for some of the more doctrinaire Republicans: Through investment in New York State’s infrastructure, he was in tight with the unions.

Nelson A. Rockefeller in the late 1950s, when he first sought the governorship of New York.

See, Rockefeller was the grandson of both the man widely held to be the wealthiest American of all time, as well as the richest person in modern history, according to PBS and Fortune magazine. Nevertheless, oilman John D. Rockefeller was a pragmatist. With a schoolteacher mother and an education forged in a tony Upper West Side experimental school staffed with teachers from Columbia University’s Teachers College, Rockefeller did end up being a Dartmouth man. Cum laude, no less.

And, as time unspooled, not only would Rocky work in the family concerns, which at that point included, well, everything from oil to banking, and dabble in the requisite rich-guy stuff involving universities, art and museums, but he would also pursue the aforementioned crazy career in the public sector.

In addition to vice president and governor, Rockefeller did time, twice, as a cabinet secretary. First as assistant secretary of state for American republic affairs under Roosevelt and then Truman. And second as under secretary of health, education and welfare in the Eisenhower administration. But that high-profile public service is not how he’s remembered or why we’re talking about him here.

Here’s why. Rockefeller died from a heart attack on Jan. 26, 1979, at age 70, not that surprising, even if, as I spread out the paper that fateful morning, I was surprised. (Rockefeller was fond of seeing a psychic for some of life’s stickier moments, so he should have seen it coming.) At least he died doing what he loved, which the early reports indicated was slaving away at his desk in Rockefeller Center. On a book about art. Which is where he was found by security, slumped over his desk.

Back in the ’80s, I met the woman between whose thighs he allegedly died.

Allan MacDonell, journalist

As maybe Rockefeller himself would have wanted it, maybe, the report was soon corrected to state that he had had the attack at another “office.” This one a townhouse. In attendance was a 25-year-old “aide,” name of Megan Marshack. Which was a little more surprising, and which the media had a field day with, which really should surprise no one.

“Back in the ’80s, I met the woman between whose thighs he allegedly died,” says Allan MacDonell, a journalist whose investigative chops would later bring down Republican Senator Bob Packwood and an executive editor at Hustler for 20-some-very-odd years. “I was in my early 30s when I saw her, and accustomed to working at Hustler. I remember thinking: She doesn’t look like heart attack material.”

The deceased’s family, including wife Happy Rockefeller, tastefully demurred, even if longtime aide Joseph Persico confirmed the affair. The issue for them, though, was that their loved one was dead and would be missed. At the memorial service a week later, more than 2,000 people showed up to pay their respects, feeling very much the same way.

Despite it all. Despite Rocky’s three failed attempts to secure the presidency, the dead in Attica, divorce, remarriage, infidelity, middle finger, friendship with Henry Kissinger — despite it all, it was comfortably being acknowledged: a major player had passed.


Nelson Rockefeller’s time as Vice President was relatively uneventful, but the country experienced crippling inflation and high oil prices due to the Arab oil embargo that resulted from the 1973 Arab-Israeli War. He was much more active as Governor of New York, where he was an anti-crime, “Law and Order” type of guy. His time as Governor, however, was marred by the Attica prison riot and massacre his explanation to President Nixon why 39 people had been killed was “That’s life.” History and Headlines Fact: Rockefeller gave an unruly crowd the finger in 1976. On another occasion, Nelson showed that he was out of touch with reality by speaking of “average guys like you and me.” If Nelson Rockefeller considered himself an average guy, then it must be typical for average guys to have 4,100+ acre family estates with 70 miles of private roads and the ability to buy 18,000 acres in Texas for “recreation.”

All in all, the United States did not fair so badly with the two leaders it had not voted into office. Actually, the team may well have been a lot better than some of the other duos that have been elected to the White House. What do you think?

Note: In 2019-2020 the US is facing the impeachment of President Donald Trump, If the Senate votes to convict him of the 2 articles he is charged with (either of them), he will be forced from office and Michael Pence, the sitting Vice President will be sworn in as our new President. Pence with then appoint a new Vice President, one not elected by the people. Since Pence is also under investigation, the real possibility exists that he could also be impeached if he becomes President! (December 19, 2019)

Question for students (and subscribers): Do you believe someone that is not elected as Vice President should be allowed to ascend to the Presidency? Let us know in the comments section below this article.

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Nelson Rockefeller - History

By Natalie LaFantasie Coolidge

The road to greatness often begins in a small New England village. This was true of a man whose grandparents and great grandparents lived in East Killingly, CT. From these upright citizens was passed on a strong family ethic . . "an ethic based on the fundamental American values, which has come down through the generations since then. . . This family ethic was transmitted by precept and example and conscientious daily instruction, from my grandparents to my father." These were the words of Nelson A. Rockefeller, Vice President of the United States from 1974 to 1977, in his statement to the Senate Rules Committee during his vice presidential confirmation hearings in 1974.

In continuing the Killingly Historical Journal's series of articles on famous people who came from the town of Killingly, our attention was called to the humble beginnings of Nelson A. Rockefeller's forebears by Louise and Allen Oatley of East Killingly. They had preserved a number of letters, newspapers and magazine articles that told some of the stories of his background. Mrs. Oatley also took me to the Bartlett Cemetery to see the place where Rockefeller's great grandparents were buried.

Their history begins in Foster, RI, where Anan Aldrich, son of Job Aldrich, lived with his wife, Abby (Burgess) Aldrich. One of their sons, Nelson Wilmarth Aldrich, was born November 6, 1841, on a farm in Foster belonging to his mother's people who were descendants of Roger Williams. When living in East Killingly, Nelson Wilmarth Aldrich received his early education in the country school on top of the hill, then enrolled in East Greenwich Academy in Rhode Island. He recalled in later years having to walk a mile to school from his grandmother's home, remembered attending Sunday School in the church and Thomas Pray was his teacher. He closed his speech at Old Home Day, July 27, 1904, at the Baptist Church there with these words: "I have had many varied experiences in life, but wherever I have been I have never ceased to think of the days in East Killingly as the happiest of my life." He said he was introduced to public speaking at the old Town House in Killingly Center.

After attending East Greenwich Academy in Rhode Island for one year, Nelson W. Aldrich went to work in Providence, RI, and soon after entered the employ of the leading wholesale grocers of the state. He was promoted so rapidly he became a junior partner and at the age of twenty-four was Junior Vice President.

He had already seen service in the 10th Rhode Island Volunteers, which was called to Washington to protect the capital in 1862 during the Civil War. After he had typhoid fever, he was discharged and returned to Providence the same year.

In 1866 he married Abby Chapman and one of their children was Abby Greene Aldrich who later married John Davison Rockefeller 2nd, a former student at Brown University in Providence. They had several children, one of whom was Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller. In speaking of the "influence of my mother," Nelson Rockefeller remembered Abby Aldrich Rockefeller, the daughter of a U. S. senator from Rhode Island, as "deeply motivated in an ethical and spiritual sense." His mother was the leavening influence on the family. She was a gay, warm, intuitive woman. He quoted from a letter from his mother to him and his two young brothers during their childhood:

"I want to make an appeal to your sense of fair play and to beseech you to begin your lives as young men by giving the other fellow, be he Jew or Negro, or of whatever race, a fair chance and a square deal. It is to the disgrace of America that horrible lynchings and race riots frequently occur in our midst. The social ostracism of the Jews is less brutal, and yet it often causes cruel injustices."

Religion also played a major role in Rockefeller's upbringing:

"We had family prayers every morning before breakfast and on Sunday attended Sunday school and church." While attending college at Dartmouth he taught a Sunday school class. "We were raised strictly, as was my father and his father before him," Rockefeller said. "The surroundings were obviously different, but the principles and the discipline were the same.

As a boy, Nelson would not apply himself to his studies. His puritanical father, John D. Rockefeller 2nd, despaired over him. Nelson was forever getting into mischief: flicking food across the stately Rockefeller dinner table, hiding a baby rabbit in his mother's muff in church, flunking subjects in high school. He was sent to Dartmouth College, in New Hampshire, because he could not qualify for Princeton, which was attended by his older brother John. At Dartmouth, his competitive spirit more than anything else made him work hard. He earned a Phi Beta Kappa key.

The Aldrich summer home (Anthony Shippee house) on the old Pike Road (Route 101) once had John D. Rockefeller 2nd as a guest. When Erwin B. Chase, Sr., sometimes known as Barber Chase, was driving him back and forth in a horse and buggy, he never dreamed that the man with him would some day be the father of the Vice President of the United States.

Although Nelson Rockefeller grew up in splendor and enormous wealth, his father drummed into all his children a deep sense of responsibility. He had many years of experience in government and politics. He served under Presidents Roosevelt, Truman and Eisenhower, and was Governor of New York for four terms---longer than any man since colonial times. He had long wanted to be President having campaigned for the Republican nomination three times--in 1960, 1964 and 1968--but could never win. Then he was chosen by Gerald Ford to be his Vice President.

Thus the road from East Killingly, CT, concluded at the end of Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D.C.

From: Windham County Transcript: - January 2, 1908

The moving pictures and illustrated songs each afternoon and evening at Phoenix Hall are the best ever seen in Danielson. The program is changed twice a week and is strictly first class. The new electric piano furnishes music during the program. The illustrated songs are sung by Clarence Kies, formerly with Salisbury's moving pictures and Miss Dora Reeves, who in her catchy songs receives nightly great applause. "Why Don't You Take Our Little Boy?" is the song she is singing with great success this week. Five cents is the low price of admission to these entertainments. No moving picture company that is charging 25 cents and 35 cents admission is giving any better programs. It is an opportunity to pass an evening of enjoyment of high-class moving pictures and illustrated songs at a very small cost. These programs, given as they are in Phoenix Hall, the prettiest and most comfortable hall in Danielson, are deserving the hearty patronage of the public. Last week the seating capacity of the hall was tested every evening, and Saturday evening there was standing room only. The entertainment commences every afternoon at 4 o'clock, running continuously until 10.


Nelson Rockefeller

Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller (July 8, 1908 – January 26, 1979) in OTL was the 41st Vice President of the United States under Gerald Ford, and the 49th Governor of New York, as well as serving the Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower and Nixon administrations in a variety of positions. He was also a noted businessman, art collector, and philanthropist.

Rockefeller, a Republican, was relatively liberal and his views were generally closer to the Democratic Party's than the GOP's. In his time liberals in the GOP were called Rockefeller Republicans. As Governor of New York from 1959 to 1973 his achievements included the expansion of the State University of New York, efforts to protect the environment, the building of the Nelson A. Rockefeller Empire State Plaza in Albany, increased facilities and personnel for medical care, and creation of the New York State Council on the Arts. After unsuccessfully seeking the Republican presidential nomination in 1960, 1964, and 1968, he served as Vice President from 1974 to 1977 under President Gerald R. Ford, but did not join the 1976 GOP national ticket with President Ford, marking his retirement from politics.

As a businessman he was President and later Chairman of Rockefeller Center, Inc., and he formed the International Basic Economy Corporation in 1947. Rockefeller assembled a significant art collection and promoted public access to the arts. He served as trustee, treasurer, and president, of the Museum of Modern Art, and founded the Museum of Primitive Art in 1954. In the area of philanthropy he established the American International Association for Economic and Social Development in 1946, and with his four brothers he founded the Rockefeller Brothers Fund in 1940 and helped guide it.

Alternate versions of Rockefeller have been discovered in the multiverse:

  • Nelson Rockefeller, President of Second North American Republic (1756 World)
  • Nelson Rockefeller, 37th President of the United States (PS-1)
  • Nelson Rockefeller, Vice President of the United States (The Found Order)

Very probably it refers to an entity that appears on several timelines.


Nelson Rockefeller - History


Nelson Rockefeller was born on July 8, 1908 in Bar Harbor Maine. He was born into one of the richest families in the United States his grandfather, John D. Rockefeller I, made the family fortune with Standard Oil, and his four brothers became prominent in their respective fields. He went to elementary and high school at an experimental school run by Teacher's College of Columbia University. He received a college degree from Dartmouth College. Nelson entered public service in 1940, becoming coordinator of inter-American affairs in the State Department. In 1944, he was appointed Assistant Secretary of State for Latin America, helping to formulate and implement President Franklin D. Roosevelt's "Good Neighbor" policy.

During the Truman Administration, Rockefeller served as chairman of the International Development Advisory Board on aid to underdeveloped countries, and under President Eisenhower he was appointed Undersecretary of the Department of Heath, Education and Welfare (1953-1955), after which he was a special assistant to the President for foreign affairs.

Rockefeller ran successfully for the New York governorship in 1958, defeating W. Averell Harriman. During his four successive terms, Rockefeller began large-scale welfare and drug rehabilitation programs, reorganized the New York transportation system and built major public works projects. In order to finance his programs, he raised taxes and began a state sales and income tax.

In 1971, Rockefeller came under attack for the manner in which he handled a violent uprising at Attica State Prison.

Rockefeller campaigned for the Republican nomination for President in 1960, 1964 and 1968, but was considered too liberal by the party. After the Watergate Scandal that resulted in the resignation of President Nixon, Gerald Ford became President and chose Rockefeller as his Vice President. Sworn in on December 19, 1974, he went on to head the Rockefeller Commission investigating allegedly illegal activities of the CIA.

In addition, Rockefeller advised the administration on domestic and economic issues. When Ford ran for election in 1976, Rockefeller declined to be his running mate because of opposition from the conservative wing of the Republican Party. At the end of his term as Vice President, Rockefeller retired to private life.


The Center Today

The Rockefeller Center today is seen as a catalyst for teaching, research, and deliberation about public policy and the social sciences. Dedicated to providing an interdisciplinary perspective on policy-related topics, the center fosters a commitment to the ideals of public service and informed public debate exemplified by the man for which the Center is named. The Center endeavors to:

  • Develop undergraduates’ potential for leadership
  • Support high-quality research on policy related topics
  • Encourage experiential learning in the policy realm
  • Foster campus dialogue about policy issues
  • Stimulate cross-disciplinary approaches to policy problems
  • Promote understanding of policy issues in the community beyond Dartmouth

The Center pursues these objectives through a variety of programs, including administration of a minor in Public Policy financial support for student internships and research grants for faculty research and conferences interdisciplinary faculty seminars and lectures and group discussions with distinguished visiting scholars and policymakers.


Watch the video: Looking back at the life and politics of Nelson Rockefeller