We are searching data for your request:
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.
Christopher Columbus discovered Grenada in 1498. For the next two centuries the Caribs resisted all attempts by Europeans to settle on the island. Eventually all the Caribs were killed and the French took over the island. However, for the next hundred years the French struggled to stop the island being taken by its rival European powers. In 1783 the French was forced to sign the Treaty of Versailles and the island became part of the British Empire.
Grenada did not benefit from colonial rule and by the middle of the 20th century most of the 100,000 population lived in poverty. The most important political figure during this period was Eric Gairy, who had created the left of centre political party, the Grenada United Labour Party (GULP) in 1950. Gairy held the posts of Chief Minister in the Federation of the West Indies (1957-1962) and became prime minister of Grenada in 1967. During this period, the main opposition to the GULP came from the Grenada National Party (GNP).
In 1969 Maurice Bishop returned to Grenada after studying law in England. Soon afterwards he helped form the Movement for Assemblies of the People (MAP) and the Movement for the Advance of Community (MACE). In 1973 these organizations merged with Joint Endeavor for Welfare, Education and Liberation (JEWEL) to establish the New Jewel Movement (NJM).
After his election victory in 1972 Gairy argued that Grenada should be granted its independence from Britain. In May 1973 Gairy visited London where he discussed this issue with Edward Heath and it was agreed that Grenada would become independent in February, 1974.
Some people in Grenada were worried by this decision. It was feared that Gairy would install himself as a dictator after independence. A Committee of 22 was established by the trade unions, civic organizations and the church. On 1st January 1974 the group called a national strike.
On 21st January 1974 the Committee of 22 held a protest march. During the demonstration the marchers were attacked by the police. Several people were injured and Rupert Bishop, the father of Maurice Bishop, the leader of the New Jewel Movement, was killed.
Eric Gairy and his Grenada United Labour Party won the elections held on 7th November, 1976. However, opposition leaders complained that all election officials were members of GULP and that they had tampered with the voting papers.
In 1977 Gairy began receiving advice from General Augusto Pinochet of Chile on how to deal with civil unrest. His police and military also received "counter insurgency" training from the Pinochet regime. The New Jewel Movement retaliated by developing links with Fidel Castro and his Marxist government in Cuba.
Gairy's state of mind also raised concerns. In October 1977 Gairy addressed the General Assembly of the United Nations. During his speech he urged the UN to establish an Agency for Psychic Research into Unidentified Flying Objects and the Bermuda Triangle. He also called for 1978 to be established as "The Year of the UFO".
In 1979 a rumour began circulating that Gairy planned to use his "Mongoose Gang" to assassinate leaders of the New Jewel Movement while he was out of the country. On 13th March 1979, Maurice Bishop and the NJM took over the nation's radio station. With the support of the people the NJM was able to take control of the rest of the country.
Influenced by the ideas of Marxists such as Fidel Castro, Che Guevara and Daniel Ortega, Bishop began establishing Workers' Councils in Grenada. He received aid from the Soviet Union and Cuba and with this money constructed a aircraft runway to improve tourism.
Bishop attempted to develop a good relationship with the United States and allowed private enterprise to continue on the island. Bernard Coard, the Minister of Finance, disagreed with this policy. He also disliked Bishop's ideas on grassroots democracy. On 19th October, with the support of the army, Coard overthrew the government. Maurice Bishop and several others, including Unison Whiteman (Foreign Minister), Jacqueline Creft (Minister of Education and Women's Affairs), Norris Bain (Minister of Housing) and Fitzroy Bain (President of the Agricultural and General Workers Union) were arrested and executed.
President Ronald Reagan, who had been highly critical of Bishop's government, took this opportunity to intervene and sent in the United States Marines. The initial assault on 25th October, 1983, consisted of some 1,200 troops, and they were met by stiff resistance from the Grenadian army. Heavy fighting continued for several days, but as the invasion force grew to more than 7,000, the defenders either surrendered or fled into the mountains. Twenty-four civilians were killed in the invasion, including 21 patients in a psychiatric hospital accidentally bombed by US planes.
The invasion of Grenada was deemed by the United Nations General Assembly to be an unlawful aggression and intervention into the affairs of a sovereign state. A similar resolution was discussed in the UN Security Council and although receiving widespread support it was ultimately vetoed by the USA.
Bernard Coard, along with Phyllis Coard, Selwyn Strachan, John Ventour, Liam James and Keith Roberts, were arrested on 31st October 1983. The leaders of the coup were put on trial in August 1986. Along with 13 others, Board was sentenced to death. This sentence was commuted to life-imprisonment in 1991.
The formation of the infamous Mongoose Gang in 1970 - an illegal act since Gairy had no legal authority to establish law enforcement agencies outside the provision of the law of the state - unleashed a series of unspeakable atrocities against the Grenada citizenry, constitution a veritable reign of terror.
Take warning, my dear people, and remember that we, as human beings, can fool one another, but we cannot fool God. In Carriacou today, there are a number of organization that are being operated under the guise of social, cultural or even charitable intentions, but you know as well as I do, that their motives are very sinister and contrary to what the organizers profess them to be. You know too, that certain persons have been going around by night and day, telling lies, preaching hate, and like wolves in sheep clothing have been deceiving the poor people and robbing them of their much needed pennies, under false pretences. Beware, my dear people, and again remember that they are only fooling themselves, because we believe that there is a just God whom they cannot fool.
Obviously, this terrible drought situation is a consequence of the sinful way of life which prevails in Carriacou and Petit Martinique today. This sinful way of hate, of violence, of ungratefulness and of untruth is not the Way of God, but of men who represent the devil and his followers, and consequently are responsible for summoning the wrath of God upon us all."
The people are being cheated and have been cheated for too long-cheated by both parties, for over twenty years. Nobody is asking what the people want. We suffer low wages and higher cost of living while the politicians get richer, live in bigger houses and drive around in even bigger cars. The government has done nothing to help people build decent houses; most people still have to walk miles to get water to drink after 22 years of politicians.
If we fall sick we catch hell to get quick and cheap medical treatment. Half of us can't find steady work. The place is getting from bad to worse every day - except for the politicians (just look at how they dress and how they move around). The police are being used in politics these days and people are getting more and more blows from them. Government workers who don't toe the Gairy line are getting fired left and right.
The government has no idea how to improve agriculture, how to set up industries, how to improve housing, health, education and general well-being of the people. They have no ideas for helping the people. All they know is how to take the people's money for themselves, while the people scrape and scrunt for a living.
We believe that the main concern of us all is to (1) prevent the daily rise in prices of all our food and clothes and other essentials (it is unbelievable but that the price you can get for a pound of cocoa can't buy a half-pound of fish) and (2) develop a concrete program for raising the standard of housing, living, education, health, food and recreation for all the people
The present situation we face is that we are forced to live in jammed-up, rundown, unpainted houses without toilet and bath, without running water, very poor roads, overcrowded schools where our children can't get a decent education, and without any proper bus service. There is almost no ambulance service in case of illness. We can't afford the cost of food to feed our children properly and this makes it easier for them to catch all kinds of illnesses. There are very few places near home for recreation. All we have is the rum shop to drown our troubles. It's almost impossible to buy clothes or shoes these days. The prices are ridiculous.
We are now completely free, liberated, independent. In spite of a wicked, malicious, obstructive, destructive minority of noise-making self-publicists, God has heard our prayers. God has been merciful. God has triumphed.
Let me assure the people of Grenada that all democratic freedoms, including freedom of elections, religious and political opinion, will be fully restored to the people. People of Grenada, this revolution is for work, for food, for decent housing and health services, and for a bright future for our children and great grandchildren.
Bishop was 6’ 3" tall, an excellent speaker; a handsome man with recognized charismatic features of personality. He was known to be pragmatic in that he held that the results of an idea are the best criteria by which to judge its merit. He appeared not to be rigid about this for he kept creativity and hope alive in his vision. He was more a realist in terms of figuring how ideas would work out. He was articulate and warm with people.
Bishop's charisma and his democratic sensibilities, though, proved not to be a substitute for wielding authority and leadership. On the distaff side Bishop was criticized for being wandering, wavering and waffling. The charge that he was 'vacillating' repeatedly occurs.
In 1978, there was some dissatisfaction with his (Coard's) performance because he introduced a new style of leadership into the party leadership. Politely, it could be called lobbying, but more accurately I would call it a type of subversion, canvassing, infighting. Instead of collective consideration and amendment of various proposals, he would arrive with an already worked out package, and through force of personality, convince the others to accept it. This fundamentally conflicted with collective functioning, and was not received well. An attempt was made to remove him, but the move was stalled with the personal intercession of Bishop.
In 1983 the United States of America (USA) led an invasion of Grenada which removed from power the government of the island. In 1986, fourteen former members of the Government of Grenada and three soldiers were convicted for the 19 October 1983 execution-style murders of Prime Minister Maurice Bishop and several others... Fourteen of those convicted were sentenced to death by hanging while the other three were sentenced to lengthy terms of imprisonment.
Those imprisoned have subsequently come to be known as the Grenada 17. The Grenada 17 are Bernard Coard, Phyllis Coard, Hudson Austin, Ewart Layne, Selwyn Strachan, Liam James, Leon Cornwall, Dave Bartholomew, John Ventour, Colville McBarnette, Christopher Stroude, Lester Redhead, Calistus Bernard, Cecil Prime, Andy Mitchell, Vincent Joseph, and Cosmos Richardson. The Grenada 17 have maintained their innocence with respect to the charges brought against them.
Amnesty International classifies the Grenada 17 as political prisoners and as such called for them to be granted a prompt, fair and impartial trial. The organization has monitored their incarceration and legal processing since it has been practicably possible to do so. Observers were sent to pre-trial hearings and the trial itself. An Amnesty International delegation also carried out an inspection of the prison in which the 17 were incarcerated. Numerous representations outlining Amnesty International's concerns around the treatment of the 17 have been made to the Grenadian authorities over the interceding years.
Amnesty International does not take a position on the actual guilt or innocence of the Grenada 17. However, Amnesty International remains concerned over several violations of internationally recognised human rights law and standards in this case, and in particular those related to the right to a fair trial.
The case of the Grenada 17 must be seen in the broader geo-political context of the Cold War and its impact upon the Caribbean and the Americas. In the early 1980s the US administration feared the advance of communism and the growth of the influence of the Soviet Union in the region. This led it to take action against various countries. For example, the US government sponsored armed opposition to the government of the Sandinista National Liberation Front in Nicaragua which came to power following the 1979 revolution. The Sandinista era had begun soon after the Grenada Revolution.
On 13 March 1979, the New Jewel Movement (NJM), a political party of the left, overthrew the Grenada United Labour Party government led by Eric Gairy. The NJM forcibly removed the Gairy government from power on 13 March 1979 whilst Gairy was visiting the USA. The resulting NJM government, which included non-members of the NJM, became known as the Peoples' Revolutionary Government (PRG) and their policies and programmes became known as the Grenada Revolution.
The new government implemented economic and social reform in areas including health care, education, housing, and women's and children's rights. International funding agencies observed a marked improvement in the economy.(3) Amnesty International raised concerns around alleged violations of human rights that occurred under the NJM government, including detention without trial of over 100 people, including journalists. In 1981, an Amnesty International delegation visited Grenada to discuss the organization's concerns with the authorities.
I say that statement was taken under torture. I admit that the signature at the bottom of the statement is mine. I only signed the statement after being tortured for several hours by Barbadian police officer Sgt. Ashford Jones and Courcey Holder...On or about 29 October 1983 I was captured by US invasion forces and taken to a prisoner of war camp at Port Saline. There I was subject to physiological torture. I was placed in a box 8 x 8 (feet) with a little door I had to lie down to crawl into. On first night that box was beaten for the entire night... A forklift actually lifted that box off the ground with me inside. I was only given one meal per day...
On 11th November 1983 I was taken by Sgt. Ashford Jones and Courcey Holder among others. I was immediately handcuffed to a chair and left there for about 30 minutes with a Bajan police officer pointing a .38 pistol at my head. I told him (Sgt. Jones who had entered the room) I would only do so (make a statement) in the presence of my lawyers. Having said that Courcey Holder immediately started to beat me in the head...
After this Sgt. Jones started reading from what I assumed was a statement in front of him asking me if I know anything about this. I told him to my knowledge I don't know anything about what he is speaking about. Having said that Courcey Holder started to beat me in the chest and stomach telling me to say that I know what Sgt. Jones was reading. This pattern continued for several hours...
After they completed writing that so called statement Sgt. Jones asked me to read the statement. I told him that as far as I was concerned I did not give any statement. I refused to do so. Again they started beating me. When I could not take the blows anymore I had to give in and sign the statement. I was then taken back to Point Saline and put back in the box.
All 17 were found guilty, and 14 were sentenced to death for their role in the murder of Bishop and the nine other victims of the coup. According to official documents obtained by Amnesty International, a US diplomat met the chief prosecutor while their appeals were being considered.
The appeals were turned down, but the death penalties were later commuted. All 17 are still incarcerated, although one of them, Mr Coard's wife Phyllis, has been permitted to seek medical treatment outside her jail.
"As far as I'm concerned they did not have a fair trial," said Leslie Pierre, the publisher and editor of the Grenadian Voice, who has campaigned for the prisoners' release. "They were railroaded by the Caribbean prime ministers who were being coerced by the US."
Mr Pierre, who had been imprisoned by the revolutionary government and was freed by American troops, said the court in which the Grenada 17 were tried was unconstitutional, and the defendants were not allowed to see evidence which they could have used to point out discrepancies in the prosecution's case.
Economic summary: GDP/PPP (2013 est.): $1.458 billion per capita $13,800. Real growth rate: 0.8%. Inflation: 2.4%. Unemployment: 33.5% (2013). Arable land: 8.82%. Agriculture: bananas, cocoa, nutmeg, mace, citrus, avocados, root crops, sugarcane, corn, vegetables. Labor force: 59,900 (2013) services 69%, agriculture 11%, industry 20% 2008 est.). Industries: food and beverages, textiles, light assembly operations, tourism, construction. Natural resources: timber, tropical fruit, deepwater harbors. Exports: $40.5 million (2012 est.): bananas, cocoa, nutmeg, fruit and vegetables, clothing, mace. Imports: $297 million (2012): food, manufactured goods, machinery, chemicals, fuel. Major trading partners: Nigeria, St. Lucia, Antigua and Barbuda, Saint Kitts and Nevis,U.S., Dominica, Switzerland, Trinidad and Tobago, China (2012).
Member of Commonwealth of Nations
Communications: Telephones: main lines in use: 28,500 (2012) mobile cellular: 128,000 (2012). Broadcast media:the Grenada Broadcasting Network, jointly owned by the government and the Caribbean Communications Network of Trinidad and Tobago, operates a TV station and 2 radio stations multi-channel cable TV subscription service is available a dozen private radio stations also broadcast (2007) Internet hosts: 80 (2012). Internet users: 25,000 (2009).
Transportation: Railways: 0 km. Roadways: total: 1,127 km paved: 687 km unpaved: 440 km (1999 est.). Ports and harbors: Saint George's. Airports: 3 (2013).
International disputes: none.
Grenada: In The Beginning
The first known inhabitants of Grenada were the peaceful Arawak-speaking Amerindians from South America. They preferred the art of negotiation over war. The Amerindians of Grenada practiced polygamy, and most men had 2 to 3 wives. Their leader referred to as a cacique often had up to 30 wives.
Amerindian families would typically live in one household, which could get quite big. Normally a man’s home would include all of his wives and children. Many artifacts found on Grenada still to this day were thought to be from the Amerindians.
Around the year 1400, an aggressive tribe called the Carib Indians migrated to Grenada from South America. They traveled by canoe and when arriving in Grenada, killed or enslaved most of the peaceful Amerindians that inhabited the land.
In 1498 during his third voyage regarded as “the new world”, Christopher Columbus sighted Grenada. Grenada was originally called “Concepcion” by Columbus, but it was later renamed to Granada by Spanish sailors. Columbus did not physically step foot on the island. This wasn’t the last name change for this group of islands, the French renamed the island “La Grenade”. Later, the British changed it to Grenada.
While Columbus first sighted Grenada in 1498, European settlers did not settle onto Grenada’s land until 1650. This is because the Caribs aggressively defended the land for this time.
THE FOUR MOST IMPORTANT FILMS NOT INDEXED NOR DIGITIZED
These four films are the ONLY source of the christian name of a child in Grenada.
Film 1523692 – This most important film and ONLY record of a childs birth-name is of Baptisms, Births, Marriages, Burials all seven parishes for 1798 to 1931 has not been digitized nor indexed.
Film 1523752 – This most important film and ONLY record of a childs birth-name is of Baptisms, Marriages, Marriage Banns, and Burials all seven parishes for 1861 to 1931 has not been digitized nor indexed.
Film 1523767 – This most important film and ONLY record of a childs birth-name is of Baptisms, Marriages, Burials St Mark, St John and Carriacou parishes for 1900 to 1931 has not been digitized nor indexed.
Film 1523656 – This most important film and ONLY record of a childs birth-name is of Baptisms – it also covers other Confirmation, Bann, Marriage, and Burial registers from the Archdeaconry of Grenada in the Anglican Rectory registers (manuscripts) of the districts of St. Luke, St. Peter and St. Paul in the parish of St. George’s, Grenada for the years 1784 to 1971. So this is film covers:-
Item 2 – Baptisms and burials for 1784 to 1804.
Item 1 – Baptisms, marriages and burials for 1806 to 1831.
Item 3 – Baptisms, marriages and burials for 1812 to 1815.
Item 4 – Baptisms, marriages and burials for 1816 to 1831.
Item 5 – Slave baptisms, marriages 1817-1834, burials 1833-1834.
item 6 – Baptisms and marriages for 1831 to 1837.
Item 7 – Baptisms, marriages and burials for 1837 to 1844.
Item 8 – Baptisms for 1844 to 1892.
Item 9 – Baptisms of the district of St. Luke for 1851 to 1884.
Items 10-11 – Baptisms for 1892 to 1932.
Item 12 – Confirmations for 1901 to 1931.
Items 13-14 – Marriages for 1844 to1930.
Item 15 – Marriages for St. Luke and St. Peter 1909 to 1933.
Item 16 – Banns for 1903 to 1931.
Item 17 – Special marriage register 1912 to 1942.
Items 18-19 – Burials 1844 to 1930.
Item 20 – St Paul Marr. 1861-1902, Bapt. 1860-95, Bur. 1861-1971.
FamilySearch do run ‘projects’ to continue the indexing of FHL films on file. However they insist:-
“Information about upcoming collections is not made available prior to publication due to various factors that can affect the publication time line, such as contract agreements with record custodians or partnership societies, final assembly considerations, server capacity, geographic considerations, prioritization of collections at risk, delivery type, and so forth”.
Further “…there is no specific time frame for the publication of indexing projects, since they are governed by the same considerations as indicated above“.
This terrible situation may only be overcome by having everyone making a request that the entire GRENADA COLLECTION be added to their online collections, to do this please follow these instructions:-
1. Go to the FamilySearch website (http://familysearch.org).
2. Scroll down to the bottom of the page, and click on the Feedback button.
3. Click on Share your ideas, and post to request ALL OUR FILMS BE INDEXED AND PUT ONLINE.
Or use a direct link to FamilySearch “Send Us Feedback” website. Then click on Share your ideas and post your request.
Note: Posting does not guarantee that familysearch.org will be able to acquire the collection or have rights to publish it, but the requests will be seen by those who make decisions about which collections are published.
A further note: Much earlier French records from the era 1765-1790 of Grenada’s history have now been digitized and can be freely viewed online via the British Library EAP website at link, link, link, link, and link.
The population of the island
The Island population in 1771 was 1600 whites, in 1777 1300. In 1779 black population 35,000, in 1785 23,926. In 1787 1,115 free people of colour.
On July 2nd 1779 a French fleet of 25 ships of the line, 10 frigates with 5000 men, under the command of Comte d’Estaing retook Grenada. The island force of 90 regular soldiers, 300 militia and 150 sailors surrendered unconditionally, after giving stubborn yet futile resistance. The Comte de Durant was appointed governor. The French took the opportunity to return some of the misdeeds of the English. They also built some large forts, enlarged others and built coastal batteries. All to no avail, as the Island was handed back to the British in 1783 under the Treaty of Versailles, part of the Treaty of Paris which ended the American war of independence.
The returning British Governor, Melville declared St. George island capital (renamed, from Fort Royal). 12 years later in 1795 the Island was once again in turmoil. This time British control was seriously challenged by Julian Fedon, a black planter inspired by the French Revolution. Under Fedon’s leadership, the island’s slaves rose up in a violent rebellion, For 15 months they controlled about 90% of the Island with the exception of the Town of St George with its forts and an outpost at Calvigny. Eventually a large British force attacked from outside and overcame the rebels. Although the rebellion was crushed, tensions remained high until slavery was abolished in 1834. The site of Fedon’s Camp, high up in Grenada’s beautiful central mountains, is today a popular destination for hikers.
During the 18th century, Grenada’s economy underwent an important transition. Like much of the rest of the West Indies it was originally settled to cultivate sugar which was grown on estates using slave labor. But natural disasters paved the way for the introduction of other crops. In 1782, Sir Joseph Banks, the botanical adviser to King George III, introduced nutmeg to Grenada. The island’s soil was ideal for growing the spice and because Grenada was a closer source of spices for Europe than the Dutch East Indies the island assumed a new importance to European traders.
Contextualising the Highland experience
Understanding the depth of slavery’s impact on British society, as projects such as Legacies of British Slave-ownership have been helping to do, 3 necessitates an engagement with those people and regions traditionally perceived as peripheral to it. Highlanders, like many other Britons, created extensive links with the West Indies, but it is important to ascertain the aims and motivation of those who crossed the Atlantic and settled on tropical islands where the risk of death from accident or disease was dangerously high. Jacobite prisoners and escapees certainly ended up there, as scholars note, but so did many others. 4 Financial gain and long-term economic security, the chance for adventure and to see another part of the world were all factors, but many were also motivated by a profound sense of responsibility for the families and the communities they left behind. For them, the Caribbean often became a means to an end. Far from being passive bystanders or mere victims during a period of acute socio-economic upheaval at home, many Highlanders demonstrated significant agency by their willingness to engage in a deeply exploitative, slave-based economy that would lead to an expanded culture of enterprise and prosperity in the Highlands. Research by Douglas Hamilton and Allan Macinnes shows how families such as the Ballies of Dochfour, the Inglises of Inverness and the Malcolms of Poltalloch were particularly involved. Neck-deep in slave trading and plantations by the third quarter of the eighteenth century, the Baillies and Inglises, acquaintances from Inverness-shire, were intrepid imperialists who had grown extremely wealthy and influential due to their West Indian and American interests. 5 The Malcolms, over four generations, had amassed so much land in Scotland and England on account of their investment diversification and West Indian credit lending that its total value stood at approximately £400,000 by 1858. 6 Beyond these elite families, however, as Daniel L. Schafer’s work on Scottish slave traders in Florida reveals, were countless individuals of more limited means whose ambition, pragmatism, skills and labour were required to make the plantation system work. 7
Slave ownership was a phenomenon that extended across Britain, far beyond the port cities of Liverpool, London or Bristol. Scholars such as Catherine Hall and Nick Draper have conducted extensive and original research on the legacy of British slave ownership and feel that researchers must think more carefully about how empire ‘enabled white Britons to enjoy their vaunted liberties and freedoms’. 8 As pivotal players in Britain’s imperial programme, the Scots deserve special attention since it was through empire that both Highlanders and Lowlanders came to identify with Britain and with each other. 9 The pioneering work of H. Gordon Slade and Mark Quintanilla, which began to reveal the involvement of northern Scots in slave trading and plantation ownership, was expanded by Douglas Hamilton whose charting of Scottish networks in the Caribbean began to show the extent of Scotland’s ties to the overseas slave based economy. 10 His research also shed light on the common aims and ambitions of the Scots and how they used the empire to sustain and promote their socio-economic interests. This foundation has inspired important work from Anthony Cook and Stephen Mullen on Glasgow’s connections with the West Indies which is helping to present a more detailed understanding of the city’s commercial and industrial development. 11 While there has been a tendency to concentrate on Glasgow, Scotland’s main industrial and urban centre, David Alston, Allan Macinnes and Finlay McKichan have carried out valuable work on the Highlands. While Alston’s meticulous research in local archives is informing a better understanding of the activities of specific individuals and families in Guyana and Berbice, the work of Macinnes and McKichan firmly connects Caribbean enterprise with the growth of commercial landlordism and with the financial survival of many of the Highlands’ great estates. 12 Another important dimension is offered by Sheila Kidd whose knowledge of Gaelic and the Gaidhealtachd has enabled her to show how Highlanders based in the Caribbean supported cultural preservation by fundraising for the creation of a Gaelic dictionary. 13
Yet in spite of these valuable contributions, there is still much to do since ‘Improvement’ included ‘a whole series of intellectual, social, economic, demographic and patriotic objectives’. 14 In the eighteenth century, the term improvement was linked to perceptions of a ‘Highland problem’. This was the belief, among many of the governing elite, that the region was incapable of enterprise. The rise of charitable enterprise, involving the establishment of academies and infirmaries designed to encourage broader regional improvement and socio-economic development, shows how the notion of a ‘Highland problem’ was contested locally. The legacy of dislocation has been central to shaping perceptions of Highland history, but there has been a tendency to focus on the impact of the clearances. While these were undeniably traumatic, this preoccupation has meant that the agency of Highlanders and their ability to respond to the new economic reality in Scotland after 1750 have been consistently underestimated. Andrew Mackillop and Allan Macinnes have tried to correct this by arguing that the increased presence of Highlanders in imperial ventures was a calculated response to severe social upheaval and that they were actually proactive respondents to a rapidly changing global dynamic which pitted empire against empire. 15 The presence of a rich culture of charitable enterprise, incorporating many people, testifies to a more robust engagement with the process of improvement than is often assumed. 16 The historic Highlands have been too easily written off as a region incapable of internal enterprise, whose people were categorised as hapless victims of an insensitive government and a disconnected landowning elite. Thus, to take the work of Mackillop and Macinnes forward requires two primary levels of analysis. The first is linked to the new elites whose successful sojourns enabled them to play more definitive roles in reshaping Highland life at home. The second relates to those people of more modest means whose colonial lives made possible their continued existence in the Highlands, or that of their families. An examination of charitable enterprise, including education and healthcare initiatives, which has not yet received any focused attention, shows how both were connected and helps to begin the process of exploring the deeper legacy of Highland interaction with the Caribbean. 17
A Brief History of the Ford Granada and Its Delusions of Grandeur
I wasn't a big fan of the Ford Granada when I was a teenager, but I appreciate it in retrospect. No, it is nowhere near as cool as Starsky & Hutch's 1976 Ford Torino, but I think the two-door version of Ford's mid-1970s sedan, with its opera windows and a three-speed-on-the-tree shifter looks retro-cool now. Maybe if it had a set of mag wheels, a bright red paint job, and a white vector stripe on it, it would look sportier. Regardless, the mid-size Granada enjoyed a seven-year run in the U.S. between 1975-82.
The Ford Granada shared its name and not much else with Ford Europe's larger and much sportier saloon, estate, and coupe variants sold between 1972-94. Still, the Granada sold in the U.S. holds a special place in my family's heart and history since my father surprised us all one Christmas when he drove home in a brand-new Granada. It was white with red pinstripes, had a red half-vinyl roof, and a matching red interior. Tacky yes, but it was plenty stylish for the '70s.
While my grandfather was a Cadillac man, my father was mostly a Ford/Mercury guy, and he seriously regretted selling his Comet to make room for his growing family. Still, it was the '70s, and while it was no Mercedes-Benz, the Ford Granada seemed like the perfect upscale sedan for folks on a budget. Especially since our neighbor loved to show off his Chrysler Cordoba with its soft Corinthian leather seats.
"The closer you look, the better we look," touted a Ford Granada brochure of the day. "Granada is about two feet shorter and half-a-ton lighter than most standard-size cars."
The Blue Oval compared the Granada to the Mercedes-Benz 280 in its Bicentennial promotional brochures, too. For instance, the Granada had a whole 2.2-inches more length at 197.7 inches vs. 195.5 for the Mercedes. Plus, the Ford cost about a quarter of the price of the $20,000 German sedan the Granada's base price was about $3,861.
Commercials from the day compared the Granada with a Mercedes-Benz 280 SE, and asked eagle-eyed viewers if they could tell the difference between the two check out the old commercial below for a good laugh. The Granada was smaller than a Ford Torino and slightly larger than the Maverick with which it shared its chassis and drivetrains. It has a 109.9-inch wheelbase and rolls on radial tires, a coil front and leaf-spring rear suspension, and a combination of disc and drum brakes. The ride was fairly rough and nothing like a Mercedes-Benz of the day.
Still, the original Granada is a smart-looking sedan with a big chrome-plated grille flanked by round headlights, and a decent-sized chrome bumper. The sportier two-door variant featured those opera windows, deluxe wheel covers (hub caps), and all versions sported tri-colored rectangular taillights. In 1976, the upscale budget car was available as a two- or four-door sedan, as well as more "elegant" two- or four-door Granada Ghia variants.
Under its shiny hourglass-like hood ornament, the Ford Granada originally packed a base 250-cid straight-six or an optional 255-cid or 302-cid V-8, paired either to a three-speed manual on the column or to an automatic transmission. The five-passenger car averaged about 22/30 mpg city/highway miles, fairly decent for the day. Later Ghia and European Sports Sedan (ESS) variants received a 4.1-liter six-cylinder engine or an optional 5.0-liter V-8, both with a four-speed manual or an automatic transmission.
Inside, the cabin sported a leather-wrapped tilt steering wheel, and a vinyl bench seat or optional leather bucket seats available in black, tan, red, silver blue, tan, or white, with carpeted lower door panels. Other goodies included A/C, a digital clock, electric rear-window defroster, cigar lighter, ashtray light, and a power moonroof.
Looking back on my own Ford Granada history, the only option I remember my dad opting for was an AM/FM radio with four speakers and an 8-track player. On our many road trips in the Granada, we listened to an endless loop of Pink Floyd, The Rascals, Redbone, and the Rolling Stones. Good times—even if it's taken me years to realize it.
Adjoining the boiling house and fermentation building is a covered area. In the middle, perched atop a six-foot high concrete platform are two side-by-side double retort pot stills. Currently one still is from Kentucky’s Vendome, the other from John Dore. I’m told the pot portions wear out relatively quickly due to the aggressive direct heating.
On one side of the platform, directly beneath the pots, two fireboxes are recessed into the concrete. Distillation starts by burning locally scavenged hardwood in those fireboxes, heating the pot immediately above. It’s a remarkably simple arrangement and far less elaborate than modern steam-coil heated pot stills.
The stills each take a wash charge of around 1800 liters (475 U.S. gallons.) Over the course of a run, approximately 77 liters (20 U.S. gallons) of rum collects, normally at around 75 percent ABV in strength.
Under normal circumstances, the chimney for the two fireboxes rises up between the two stills. However, during my visit the chimney and fireboxes were being rebuilt from the ground up. No distillation was possible, so employees were also performing big ticket maintenance in several areas. It was a striking sight to see the disassembled pot kettles, necks off, sitting almost haphazardly on the ground nearby.
Also, on the platform near the still’s twin retorts are wash-preheaters. They transfer heat from the still’s hot vapors to the next wash batch prior to distillation, saving time and energy. Adjacent to the pre-heaters is a pit in the concrete platform. Within the pit are a pair of worm coils for condensing the rum vapors coming off the still. During distillation, water in the pit absorbs heat from the hot vapors passing through the coils, cooling the vapors back into liquid form.
Unlike at most distilleries, there’s no spirit safe or collection tanks visible from the stills. Here, they’re located inside a room in the T-building. The collection tank is sunk into the room’s concrete floor. A dipstick allows checking the tank’s fill level.
5. Grenadian Cuisine
The cuisine of Grenada reflects the country’s cultural diversity. Oil Down is regarded as the country’s national dish. It is a wholesome meal consisting of coconut milk, breadfruit, dumplings, taro leaves, and salted beef or fish. The meal is cooked in a large pot called karhee or curry pot. Callaloo soup is a soup made of a leafy green vegetable called callaloo. Rotis or flour skins/wraps are filled with vegetables, meat, fish, or curried chicken and are often eaten for lunch or dinner. Cou cou pois is another popular Grenadian dish. It is made of vegetables and corn flour cooked slowly to produce a stiff and smooth ball. It is served with chicken or fish dish. Fried bake and saltfish souse, curry goat, and pelau are other dishes widely consumed in the nation.
Coconut drops (cookies made with grated coconut, butter, sugar, flour, and egg), nutmeg ice cream, fudge, sweet potato pone (a sweet potato pudding), etc., are most widely consumed desserts of Grenadian cuisine. Rum and beer are popular alcoholic drinks in the country.
An Idea is Born
Allan and Janice Michael / Owners
Allan and Janice Michael purchased the Trusty’s building in the summer of 2016. Allan had just retired from a management consultant job. After 40 years of traveling, he knew he was tired of the road, but he also knew he had another career in him. When he retired, Janice, who had moved on from her work as a local paper mill buyer 12 years previously, knew she was about to have too much husband around the house. She suggested that Allan get involved in the newly-established Downtown Innovation District Association and see if he could put his expertise to work. Before they knew what had happened, they owned a building! With Allan’s vision, both of their business backgrounds and a gentle nudge from a local contractor, the idea for Lofts on the Square was born. They engaged the contractor to get started and (not very) patiently waited for the idea to come to fruition. After months of purchasing everything from antiques to hair dryers, studying recipes and anxiously watching the progress of the building, they felt they were ready to reveal the results.